A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power Read online

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  Copyright © 2014 by Jimmy Carter

  All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form whatsoever.

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  First Simon & Schuster hardcover edition March 2014

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  Interior design by Claudia Martinez

  Jacket design by Christopher Lin

  Carter, Jimmy, 1924–

  A call to action : women, religion, violence, and power / Jimmy Carter.

  pages cm

  Includes index.

  1. Women's rights. 2. Women's rights—Religious aspects. 3. Women—Social conditions--21st century. 4. Women—Violence against. 5. Sex discrimination against women. 6. Sex role—Religious aspects. 7. Human rights. I. Title.

  HQ1236.C375 2014

  323.3'4—dc23

  2014007266

  ISBN 978-1-4767-7395-7

  ISBN 978-1-4767-7397-1 (ebook)

  To Karin Ryan,

  and the countless women and girls whose abuse and deprivation she strives to alleviate

  CONTENTS

  INTRODUCTION

  1 | MY CHILDHOOD

  2 | COMMITMENT TO PEACE AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS

  3 | THE BIBLE AND GENDER EQUALITY

  4 | FULL PRISONS AND LEGAL KILLING

  5 | SEXUAL ASSAULT AND RAPE

  6 | VIOLENCE AND WAR

  7 | OBSERVATIONS AS A TRAVELER

  8 | WOMEN AND THE CARTER CENTER

  9 | LEARNING FROM HUMAN RIGHTS HEROES

  10 | THE GENOCIDE OF GIRLS

  11 | RAPE

  12 | SLAVERY AND PROSTITUTION

  13 | SPOUSE ABUSE

  14 | “HONOR” KILLINGS

  15 | GENITAL CUTTING

  16 | CHILD MARRIAGE AND DOWRY DEATHS

  17 | POLITICS, PAY, AND MATERNAL HEALTH

  18 | THE ROAD TO PROGRESS

  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

  INDEX

  ABOUT THE AUTHOR

  INTRODUCTION

  All the elements in this book concerning prejudice, discrimination, war, violence, distorted interpretations of religious texts, physical and mental abuse, poverty, and disease fall disproportionately on women and girls.

  I saw the ravages of racial prejudice as I grew up in the Deep South, when for a century the U.S. Supreme Court and all other political and social authorities accepted the premise that black people were, in some basic ways, inferior to white people. Even those in the dominant class who disagreed with this presumption remained relatively quiet and enjoyed the benefits of the prevailing system. Carefully selected Holy Scriptures were quoted to justify this discrimination in the name of God.

  There is a similar system of discrimination, extending far beyond a small geographical region to the entire globe; it touches every nation, perpetuating and expanding the trafficking in human slaves, body mutilation, and even legitimized murder on a massive scale. This system is based on the presumption that men and boys are superior to women and girls, and it is supported by some male religious leaders who distort the Holy Bible, the Koran, and other sacred texts to perpetuate their claim that females are, in some basic ways, inferior to them, unqualified to serve God on equal terms. Many men disagree but remain quiet in order to enjoy the benefits of their dominant status. This false premise provides a justification for sexual discrimination in almost every realm of secular and religious life. Some men even cite this premise to justify physical punishment of women and girls.

  Another factor contributing to the abuse of women and girls is an acceptance of violence, from unwarranted armed combat to excessive and biased punishment for those who violate the law. In too many cases, we use violence as a first rather than a last resort, so that even deadly violence has become commonplace.

  My own experiences and the testimony of courageous women from all regions and all major religions have made it clear to me that as a result of these two factors there is a pervasive denial of equal rights to women, more than half of all human beings, and this discrimination results in tangible harm to all of us, male and female.

  My wife, Rosalynn, and I have visited about 145 countries, and the nonprofit organization we founded, The Carter Center, has had active projects in more than half of them. We have had opportunities in recent years to interact directly among the people, often in remote villages in the jungles and deserts. We have learned a lot about their personal affairs, particularly that financial inequality has been growing more rapidly with each passing decade. This is true both between rich and poor countries and among citizens within them. In fact, the disparity in net worth and income in the United States has greatly increased since my time in the White House. By 2007 the income of the middle 60 percent of Americans had increased at a rate twice as high as that of the bottom 20 percent. And the rate of increase for the top 1 percent was over fifteen times higher, primarily because of the undue influence of wealthy people who invest in elections and later buy greater benefits for themselves in Washington and in state capitals. As the conservative columnist George Will writes, “Big government inevitably drives an upward distribution of wealth to those whose wealth, confidence and sophistication enable them to manipulate government.”

  Yet although economic disparity is a great and growing problem, I have become convinced that the most serious and unaddressed worldwide challenge is the deprivation and abuse of women and girls, largely caused by a false interpretation of carefully selected religious texts and a growing tolerance of violence and warfare, unfortunately following the example set during my lifetime by the United States. In addition to the unconscionable human suffering, almost embarrassing to acknowledge, there is a devastating effect on economic prosperity caused by the loss of contributions of at least half the human beings on earth. This is not just a women’s issue. It is not confined to the poorest countries. It affects us all.

  After focusing for a few years on the problem of gender discrimination through our human rights program at The Carter Center, I began to speak out more forcefully about it. Because of this, I was asked to address the Parliament of the World’s Religions, an audience of several thousand assembled in Australia in December 2009, about the vital role of religion in providing a foundation for countering the global scourge of gender abuse. My remarks represented the personal views of a Christian layman, a Bible teacher for more than seventy years, a former political leader.

  I reminded the audience that in dealing with each other, we are guided by international agreements as well as our own moral values, most often derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Bible, the Koran, and other cherished texts that proclaim a commitment to justice and mercy, equality of treatment between men and women,
and a duty to alleviate suffering. However, some selected scriptures are interpreted, almost exclusively by powerful male leaders within the Christian, Jewish, Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, and other faiths, to proclaim the lower status of women and girls. This claim that women are inferior before God spreads to the secular world to justify gross and sustained acts of discrimination and violence against them. This includes unpunished rape and other sexual abuse, infanticide of newborn girls and abortion of female fetuses, a worldwide trafficking in women and girls, and so-called honor killings of innocent women who are raped, as well as the less violent but harmful practices of lower pay and fewer promotions for women and greater political advantages for men. I mentioned some notable achievements of women despite these handicaps and described struggles within my own religious faith. I called on believers, whether Protestant, Catholic, Coptic, Jew, Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, or tribal, to study these violations of our basic moral values and to take corrective action.

  No matter what our faith may be, it is impossible to imagine a God who is unjust.

  ZAINAH ANWAR,

  FOUNDER OF SISTERS IN ISLAM, MALAYSIA

  In the following pages I will outline how I learned more and more about these issues, as a child, a submarine officer, a farmer, and a church leader during the civil rights struggle, as a governor and a president, as a college professor, and in the global work of The Carter Center. During the nine decades of my life I have become increasingly aware of and concerned about the immense number of and largely ignored gender-based crimes. There are reasons for hope that some of these abuses can be ended when they become better known and understood. I hope that this book will help to expose these violations to a broader audience and marshal a more concerted effort to address this profound problem.

  I will explore the links between religion-based assertions of male dominance over women, as well as the ways that our “culture of violence” contributes to the denial of women’s rights. I maintain that male dominance over women is a form of oppression that often leads to violence. We cannot make progress in advancing women’s rights if we do not examine these two underlying factors that contribute to the abuse of women.

  In August 2013 I joined civil rights leaders and two other American presidents at the Lincoln Memorial to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech, delivered there in 1963. As I looked out on the crowd and thought about the book I was writing, my thoughts turned to a different speech that King made, in New York City four years later, about America’s war in Vietnam, in which my oldest son was serving. King asserted, “I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today—my own government.” King went on to ask that we Americans broaden our view to look at human freedom as inextricably linked with our commitment to peace and nonviolence.

  Using this same logic, it is not possible to address the rights of women, the human and civil rights struggle of our time, without looking at factors that encourage the acceptance of violence in our society—violence that inevitably affects women disproportionately. The problem is not only militarism in foreign policy but also the resort to lethal violence and excessive deprivation of freedom in our criminal justice system when rehabilitation alternatives could be pursued. Clearly, short-term political advantages that come with being “tough on criminals” or “tough on terrorism” do not offer solutions to issues like persistent crime, sexual violence, and global terrorism.

  I realize that violence is not more prevalent today than in previous periods of human history, but there is a difference. We have seen visionary standards adopted by the global community that espouse peace and human rights, and the globalization of information ensures that the violation of these principles of nonviolence by a powerful and admired democracy tends to resonate throughout the world community. We should have advanced much further in the realization of women’s rights, given these international commitments to peace and the rule of law. Instead many of the gains made in advancing human rights since World War II are placed at risk by reliance on injury to others as a means to solve our problems.

  We must not forget that there is always an underlying basis of moral and religious principles involved. In August 2013 Pope Francis stated quite simply that in addition to the idea that violence does not bring real solutions to societal problems, its use is contrary to the will of God: “Faith and violence are incompatible.” This powerful statement exalting peace and compassion is one on which all faiths can agree.

  In June 2013 The Carter Center brought together religious leaders, scholars, and activists who are working to align religious life with the advancement of girls’ and women’s full equality. We called this a Human Rights Defenders Forum. Throughout this book I have inserted brief statements from some of these defenders that offer a rich array of ideas and perspectives on the subject.

  1 | MY CHILDHOOD

  I grew up west of Plains, Georgia, in the relatively isolated rural community of Archery, where about fifty African American and two white families lived, ours and that of the foreman of a repair crew for the Seaboard Airline Railroad. Then and even now there is a spirit of chivalry in the South, and I was taught to respect all women. My mother, a registered nurse, was often away from home at all hours, especially when she was on private duty, serving in her patient’s home for twenty hours a day. She would come home at 10 o’clock at night, bathe, wash her uniform, leave a written list of chores and instructions for me and my sisters, and return to her patient at 2 A.M. When this was her schedule, my parents hired one or two black women to prepare meals for us and care for the house. Even in those times of racial segregation, my father ordained that we treat these women with deference and obedience, and I never knew of a time when they failed to deserve this high regard.

  I stayed in the house as little as possible, preferring to be with my father working in the fields or the woods, at the barn or blacksmith shop, or with my friends on the creek and in the forest when there was no work to be done. I was immersed in an African American culture, with my black playmates and fellow field workers.

  My heroine was Rachel Clark, whose husband, Jack, cared for my family’s livestock and farm equipment and who rang the farm bell an hour before daylight to rouse everyone for the day’s work. In Always a Reckoning, my first and longest poem is “Rachel.” I describe her as having “an aura like a queen” and never being called on by white people for menial personal service such as cooking, washing clothes, or doing housework. She and I were bonded in many ways, as she taught me how to fish, how to recognize trees, birds, and flowers, and how I should relate to God and to other people. Rachel was famous for picking more cotton and shaking and stacking more peanuts than anyone else, man or woman. There was a quiet but intense contest in the field each day at harvest time when pay was based on accomplishment, and she was always the best. This was a source of great prestige in our agricultural community. I would work beside her as she picked two rows of cotton to my one and sometimes helped me stay even with her as we moved back and forth across the field. I relished the nights I spent with Rachel and Jack, sleeping on a pallet on their floor. I was not aware of distinctions among people based on race or sex in those early and innocent days of my life.

  My basic attitude toward women was not changed when I was only six years old and acquired my first knowledge of adult sexual and racial relationships on my daily visits to the nearby town of Plains. The peanut crop on our farm matured during summer vacations from school, and my father permitted me to go into the field, pull up a small wagonload of peanut plants by their roots, and haul them to our yard. There I plucked about ten pounds of the mature pods from the vines, drew a bucket of water from the well, carefully washed away the clinging dirt, and kept the green pods overnight in a pot of salty water. Early the next morning I boiled the peanuts, divided them into twenty small paper bags, and
then toted them in a basket down the railroad track about two miles to Plains, where I sold them for a nickel a package.

  I would arrive there early every morning for weeks, except Sundays, and go in and out of the grocery stores, blacksmith shops, stables, gas stations, the post office, and farm warehouses until my basket was empty. The traveling salesmen and other men ignored me as though I were a piece of furniture, and would gossip, tell dirty jokes, and give lurid accounts of their sexual exploits as though I were not there. Having been taught to respect my mother and all other women, I was surprised to learn which wives around the town were said to be unfaithful, which girls were “putting out,” how often the men went to the whorehouses in the nearby city of Albany, and how much it cost. What surprised me most was that many of these white men preferred black women, when other interracial social contact was completely taboo. These were things I never discussed with either of my parents.

  I began to realize for the first time that I lived in a community where our Bible lessons were interpreted to accommodate the customs and ethical standards that were most convenient. There was no such thing as divorce because we lived by the admonition in Mark 10:7–9, “For this reason a man will leave his father and mother and be united to his wife, and the two will become one flesh. So they are no longer two, but one. Therefore what God has joined together let man not put asunder.” It was well known, however, that some men were living with unmarried women and some with the wives of other men. My godmother, the head nurse at the hospital, was married to one man but lived with another, a senior medical doctor in town; they had a baby who was named after me. Two farmers who lived near each other swapped their entire families, wives and children, and so far as I know lived happily ever after without worrying about such details as marriage licenses.